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EHJ
May 2005, pages 8-11
Public concern that current laws relating to corporate manslaughter
are failing to provide an effective sanction prompted the government
to publish its draft bill in March. But as Nick Warburton reports,
will the new offence be an effective deterrent against those that
neglect health and safety?
Simon Jones' parents campaigned tirelessly for years to successfully
prosecute the company responsible for their son's death. Simon
was only 24 years old when he was killed in horrific circumstances
on 24 April 1998. Sent to work as a casual worker at Shoreham dock,
Simon was unloading cargo inside a ship when he was killed on his
first day. Within two hours of arriving on the site, and with no
training on one of the most dangerous jobs in the country, Simon's
head was crushed by the grab of an excavator, which was being used
instead of a safer lifting eye. Personnel Selection, the employment
agency through which he got the job, should by law have checked
it was safe, but didn't.
The family's heartache didn't end there. Determined to bring manslaughter
charges against Euromin, the company Simon was working for, the
family was forced to seek a judicial review in September 1999 after
the Crown Prosecution Service refused to prosecute the company
and its general manager Richard Martell. On 19 December 2000, more
than two and a half years after Simon's death, and following strongly
worded instructions from two judges to review its decision, the
CPS finally relented. When the case was finally heard almost a
year later, the jury cleared Mr Martell of manslaughter. The company
was found guilty of two crimes relating to health and safety that
led directly to Simon's death but was only fined a paltry £50,000.
The Euromin prosecution, and more high profile cases like the
Marchioness Thames river disaster and the Southall rail crash,
have raised public concerns that the current law is not an effective
sanction against companies and organisations that neglect the health
and safety of employees and others.
In March, the home secretary, Charles Clarke, vowed to set out
tough new laws to build public confidence in the system. In updating
existing laws in this area, the bill proposes a new criminal offence
of corporate manslaughter for England and Wales, which will apply
when someone has been killed as a result of a very serious management
failure on the part of an organisation.
Though the proposed offence is unlikely to increase the number
of new cases brought by local authorities, Dr Nick Clack, policy
officer, health and safety at Lacors, says there will be implications
for EHPs in terms of liaison work with the police and gathering
evidence for investigations. Currently, a protocol for liaison
exists between the CPS, the police and either/or the Health and
Safety Executive and local authorities (depending on the enforcement
sector) for investigating work-related deaths.
As the new offence is linked to existing health and safety legislation
(the Health and Safety at Work Act etc 1974 still applies and can
be used in cases where an individual director can be identified
easily), the police will need to consult with local authorities
where there have been major health and safety failings in the company
charged. "Liaison will be crucial," says Dr Clack. "As
investigations will need to be fuller than is currently the case,
local authorities will need to collect more evidence to support
the prosecution."
The proposal breaks new ground because it tackles an underlying
flaw in the current law - the need to show that a single individual
at the top of a company is personally guilty of manslaughter before
the company can be prosecuted.
As the current legal test stands, a company can only be prosecuted
if there is sufficient evidence to prosecute an individual director
or senior manager (a "controlling mind" of the company)
for manslaughter, and this requires evidence of gross negligence.
In other words, a company can only be prosecuted if there is sufficient
evidence to be able to prosecute that person. If this evidence
is lacking, the company will escape prosecution. Assuming a prosecution
takes place, a company will only be found guilty of manslaughter
if the individual is convicted.
David Bergman, director of the Centre for Corporate Accountability,
argues that there is an inherent flaw in this test. He says that
because the guilt of a company is entirely dependent upon the guilt
of an individual director or senior manager, large companies, which
delegate safety decisions to managers low down the hierarchy, can
escape prosecution even though there may be serious management
failures in the company that caused the fatality. He also argues
that the law does not impose a positive duty upon company directors
to take action to ensure that their company complies with health
and safety law.
Under the proposal, courts will be able to consider a wide range
of management conduct. Rather than limiting investigations to questions
of individual gross negligence by company bosses, the new offence
focuses responsibility on the working practices of the organisation,
as set by senior managers. In effect, this means that the criminal
liability of individual directors will not be affected. Home secretary,
Mr Clarke, has made it clear: "Corporate manslaughter is an
offence committed by organisations rather than individuals and
will therefore carry a penalty of an unlimited fine rather than
a custodial sentence."
Janet Asherson, head of health and safety at the CBI, welcomes
the distinction but is wary of any changes in the proposals, which
could make company directors liable. "Directors have general
responsibilities and duties of care but the CBI is concerned that
a charge of corporate manslaughter should reflect just that - the
failings of the corporate system and not just an individual. Good
health and safety performance requires the involvement of everyone
in an organisation."
Campaign groups don't entirely agree with this view. "If
it's a director that's made the decision about the way in which
health and safety in the company has gone, which has resulted in
the way an accident has occurred, then it should be down to the
individual," argues Tom Mellish, health and safety policy
officer at the Trade Union Congress. "But there may be structural
problems within the organisation, where health and safety is not
taken as an integral part of the management of the organisation.
That is a corporate issue."
Wherever the blame lies, it's clear the law is not consistent
in the way it metes out punishments. Julie Barratt, CIEH director
for Wales and a trained barrister, agrees with the home secretary's
distinction but sees a problem in the way different size companies
and organisations could be sentenced. "The fact that someone
left a nut and bolt off an oil rig is so far removed from the contemplation
of a director having a corporate lunch in London, that to make
it his responsibility would be ludicrous and nobody would take
these posts if they did," she argues. "That having been
said, it still leaves this difficulty that if you are a 'one-man
band' you can go to prison but if you are a big corporation, you'll
only ever be fined."
Prosecution cases listed on the CCA's website show that only two
large companies have ever been prosecuted for manslaughter - P&O
European Ferries for the Herald of Free Enterprise disaster and
Great Western Trains for the Southall train crash - but in both
instances the cases collapsed. In fact, according to the CCA, there
have only been seven successful prosecutions, all of which have
been against small companies. Only 11 company directors have been
successfully prosecuted and only four business owners (see box).
While Simon Jones' mother, Anne, says the family welcomes the
long-awaited draft bill, she admits they have been "pretty
disgusted at how much it has been emasculated". She says there
a number of areas where she feels there are significant flaws.
One is the bill's definition of when a company or organisation
would be guilty of the new offence. She argues that defining it
as the way in which senior managers managed or organised the company
or organisation's activities, and the fact that this caused a person's
death and was a gross breach of duty of care, shows the government
recognises it is the board of directors or senior management that
is responsible for a company or organisation's behaviour and any
acts of negligence. Yet, despite this recognition, it is still
only the company or organisation that can be held accountable and
not the people for its activities. "This would be like prosecuting
a company for fraud but not placing any sanctions on the directors
who carried out the fraud," she argues.
Home secretary, Mr Clarke, has made it clear that the proposals
aim to strike a balance between a more effective offence and legislation
that would unnecessarily impose a burden on business. But Mrs Jones
is not convinced. "At no point does he consider how the failure
to legislate more effectively imposes an unnecessary burden on
their victims, their families and the taxpayer who picks up the
tab for the emergency services, any investigation and court case,
NHS treatment for the traumatised family and benefits for those
so traumatised that they cannot work again."
Another issue of contention is an additional test that has been
introduced to establish the extent of negligence. This says that
a jury must consider whether or not senior managers "sought
to cause the organisation to profit from that failure." Mr
Bergman argues that this evidence is extremely difficult to obtain
and its absence will be used by organisations to show that their
conduct was not grossly negligent. But he also says that the new
test should not be a factor that determines whether an organisation
has acted for profit or not. "Organisations sometimes simply
don't care and have no explicit profit motive," he says.
One of the bill's other proposals is that the courts can order
an organisation that has been convicted of corporate manslaughter
to take specific steps to remedy the breach of care, which led
to the death. Failure to comply with a remedial order will result
in an unlimited fine in the Crown court and a maximum of £20,000
in a magistrates'.
While it's as yet unclear how this will tie in with work carried
out by local authorities, for instance in issuing improvement notices,
Dr Clack says there is a potential for duplication, which will
need to be avoided. Liaison with the CPS will be essential, he
adds, to avoid unnecessary regulatory burdens being imposed on
companies.
But it isn't just corporations and organisations that fall under
the radar. Margaret Lockwood Croft, director of the Marchioness
Action Group, which represents victims of the Marchioness River
disaster, argues the offence should apply to all Crown activities.
Under the proposals, some activities will be excluded (see box). "At
the end of the day, the Crown is the servant of the public. We
do not see that any public servants should be exempt if they could
be the perpetrator of the death of someone."
Draft bill summary:
- An organisation would be guilty of the new offence if
the way in which its senior managers managed or organised
its activities caused a person¹s death and was a gross
breach of a duty of care the organisation owed them as:
- their employer or the occupier of a building or
- in supplying
goods or services or performing a commercial
activity.
- Its conduct would be assessed against a number of statutory
criteria, including extent to which it breached relevant
health and safety legislation, whether senior managers
were aware of the risk the company was running and whether
they had sought to profit from the breach.
- While the new offence would apply to all corporate bodies,
non-incorporated bodies such as partnerships would be exempt.
Although the government has removed the principle of Crown
immunity, the bill does allow certain government activities,
such as the prison service and the armed forces to be exempt from prosecution.
- The new offence would target the liability of organisations
and would not apply to individual directors or others.
Individuals would remain liable to prosecution for existing
offences where personally to blame.
- The offence would be tried in the Crown Court and the
penalty would be an unlimited fine. Courts would also have
the power to make remedial orders. Private
prosecutions would require the consent of the director of prosecutions.
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As EHJ goes to press, the looming election has thrown uncertainty
on the bill's future. Should Labour win a third term, Mr Bergman
says the government will need to decide when to bring it before
parliament for debate. If the Tories get in, there's a good chance
that the bill will not be debated further.
Consultation continues and interested parties have until 17 June
to respond to the bill's proposals. While Mr Bergman says the bill
needs a lot of scrutiny and particular meanings need to be "nailed
down", there are some glaring issues, which he would like
resolved. "We would like to see a removal of the restrictions
on when crown bodies could be prosecuted as we are not sure these
have been sufficiently justified," he argues.
For the CBI, there needs to clarification on who will be regarded
as senior management and held responsible. "The bill does
not make it sufficiently clear what level of senior management
failure is intended to be targeted and there is a concern that
the lack of specificity could mean that this may not be applied
consistently in an attempt to get a conviction," argues Ms
Asherson.
The question remains, however, whether the bill is workable in
its current form. Louise Christian, the lawyer who represented
the Jones family, is not convinced. "The restrictions even
on the offence to be prosecuted against companies makes it very
unlikely that there's going to be more than one prosecution every
blue moon," she argues.
For Mrs Jones, the proposed bill also doesn't go far enough. "The
problem with this new offence is that it doesn't target senior
management. People are still being killed because companies cut
corners with health and safety. More burdens need to be placed
on management to the point where health and safety systems are
so tight that no one takes any chances."
Draft bill: www.homeoffice.gov.uk/docs4/con_corp_mans.html
The CCA and TUC are holding a conference on the draft bill on
13 June:
www.corporateaccountability.org/conference/jun05ldn.htm
As for the remainder of the act, most of it will come into force
next April, except for parts of the changes on litter enforcement,
flyposting and fly tipping (see above table) which will come into
force this June. Guidance is expected imminently where maximum
and minimum fixed penalty notices are expected. The LGA has called
for fines to be reviewed after a year
The Clean Neighbourhoods and Environment Act is available at
www.legislation.hmso.gov.uk/acts/acts2005/20050016.htm
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